Politics as Entertainment: The Shifting Format of Political Journalism

Political journalism maintains various vital functions for the fluid operation of democratic society; but with evolving media platforms, audiences and reportage – this form of journalism has had to adapt to survive. This essay will concentrate on how political journalism has been forced to transition towards fulfilling a more entertainment-centric role in news media, but in doing so has ensured its ability to perform the democratic functions expected of it. Several layers of theoretical analysis will be applied to this argument to better engage with the complexity of modern media systems, beginning with the underlying structural changes of news media and how they’ve influenced the contemporary adaptation of political journalism. A further factor of these changes can be seen in the shifting importance of audience interest and access in an increasingly competitive media landscape, featuring professionalised political machines. The rise of adversarial journalism is key to this debate, using satire as a response to both the domination of entertainment news in the political sphere, and the complex relationships news media now shares with consumers. A case study of the 2016 United States election coverage, incorporating the pivotal role of ‘fake news’, will be used to highlight how the modern form of political journalism is successfully engaging citizens in democratic progress.

Political journalism; adapting to survive in a new media climate

Structural changes in news media have been the most influential driver of political journalism reform, following the boundaries of entertainment style news. This definitive shift in news media presentation is a result of several underlying structural processes including: the declining authority of the press gallery, competition from media markets, diminishing resources but most importantly the way political journalism has been rapidly subsumed by entertainment content in new media (Bolin, 2014, p. 336-349). The Reithan mantra developed for the origin of the BBC elucidates that the role of journalism is to “entertain, inform and educate,” especially regarding broadcast news, where the bulk of political communications circulate today (Holtz-Bacha and Norris, 2000, p. 123-140).  With greater availability of all genres of content, audiences can abandon any form of political news by customising their intake of information to tailor their views (Prior, 2005). Key to this argument is not that contemporary political journalism is failing citizens because it has incorporated elements of entertainment, but that its effectiveness is overshadowed by the sheer volume of entertainment content. Markus Prior (2005) argues that there’s a duality to the way emerging digital markets impact political journalism; optimistically and pessimistically. The first view suggests that the increased availability of political information from new media, means journalists have increased opportunity to engage citizens in democratic process. Conversely, the pessimists argue the entertainment that springs from new media content hinders citizens from fulfilling democratic responsibilities, such as informed voting. Postman (1985) put it “amusing ourselves to death” as a result of the growing influence entertainment media has on the news. This feeds into the idea of news as entertainment, which historically can be traced to the soft-news tabloids and yellow journalism of the 1930s (Campbell, 2001, p. 209) – where news masquerades as entertainment to satisfy bored consumers (Holbert, 2005, p. 436). Modern political journalism doesn’t pretend to be entertaining, it has simply adapted to the tastes of emerging digital markets – a response to a rapidly evolving news consumption-culture that produces informative material very distinct from what traditionally would be labelled political journalism (Boler and Turpin, 2008, p. 383-404). These structural changes outlined impact the operation of modern political journalism, because they blur boundaries. Brian McNair (2006) in Cultural Chaos argues that with the pressures from new media advancements, the boundaries between news and entertainment are almost invisible. Both avenues of news media exist, they are simply indistinguishable from each other, which isn’t necessarily negative as with the more engaging entertainment content produced, vicarious political awareness is obtained (Bartsch and Schneider, 2014, p. 369-396). Underlying changes in media structures have catalysed reform in the production of political journalism and ushered in an era of entertainment-centric coverage that still manages to engage citizens in the process of democracy.

Engaging powerful audiences in competitive digital markets

Audiences have become increasingly pivotal to the effectiveness of modern political journalism, as splintering consumer groups and a competitive media landscape weaken the traditionally large markets that mass media once served. As platforms have diverged, classic forms of political reportage have become less attractive to new media markets (Kuhn and Neveu, 2013, p. 22-40). The competition to entice and inform citizens has grown exponentially, mainly attributed to the burgeoning professionalization of politics. Louw (2005) argues that this expansion of the news media landscape facilitates political discourse in a way that negates mass-propaganda and audience manipulation, however political journalism has become a site of struggle against professionalised media machines for audience engagement (McNair, 2009, p. 237). Currently, political journalism doesn’t only have to battle for the attention of audiences, but has to do so against an extremely professionalised political system that thrives on the entertainment-centric values of new media (Louw, 2005). This “PR-isation” (Louw, 2005, p. 5) revolves around the shift towards personality in politics, something that the rigidity of traditional political journalism catered for less. Professionalisation of politics occurs through public relations, spin and the marketing of personal-political identities through traditional news media but more importantly by directly engaging citizens through social media and advertising. In a strong entertainment-centric media climate, selling personality over policy has become dominant and forced political journalism to become facile to meet changing content preferences.  Neveu (2002) concedes that for political journalism to succeed in these sites of struggle against professionalised politics, it must widen the definition of what audiences consider to be political. This concept involves linking private lives and character to political journalism, broadening the notion that what is personal is also political – this has been successful in rebranding what political journalism functions as in society and has kept it relevant in democratic progress when combatting “PR-isation”. It’s a way of engaging in battle in entertainment media but also maintaining the functions that have made political journalism so integral to democratic society (Sobieraj, 2010, p. 505-528). Engaging audiences is a competitive process in entertainment-centric political coverage but is necessary for modern political journalism to enter into these sites of struggle in order to fulfil its role in a democracy.

The evolution of adversarial journalism in political coverage

In an increasingly competitive media environment that promotes values of entertainment-centric content, political journalism has had to evolve a different form of coverage to engage audiences in democratic progress. Effectively engaging citizens in modern democracy has led to journalism becoming adversarial, to fulfil a space where traditional political journalism has struggled to thrive. Adversarial journalism understands the tenuous relationship that the press shares with the political sphere including key actors and professionalisation (Blumer and Gurevitch, 1995, p. 25-44). This form of coverage is critical and impactful, scrutinising the conduct and rhetoric of political actors, pivoting on the conflicts of interest they share – a response to the soft political infotainment that preceded it. Where policy based coverage lacks the attention that spin and advertisements garner from political campaigns, adversarial journalism triumphs in effectively appealing to audiences by challenging the personalities and narratives that political communications form in entertainment-centric new media. It’s key that political journalism functions this way in order to serve a watchdog role in democratic society, keeping the politicians who represent its audience accountable. As adversarial journalism is a response to soft political coverage, satirical content confronts the professionalised politicians that exist within this realm. Satire or “fake news” as political satirist and former The Daily Show host Jon Stewart labelled it, is itself a form of political commentary used to help audiences locate themselves within participatory democracy – the laughter it attracts signifies the consent of viewers (Allan et al.,2009). Stuart Allan (2009) highlights how satire as an element of adversarial journalism is so effective in combatting the professionalised politics of an entertainment-centric media. It seeks out grabs, uncertainty and contradiction; this satire-laced political journalism challenges the narratives carefully constructed by politicians and scrutinises them through comedy and juxtaposition – drawing audiences into a critical analysis of their elected officials (Allan et al.,2009). This provides a method for news media to utilise more traditional techniques of investigation and scrutiny in their coverage whilst maintaining the important aspect of entertainment as news, which modern audiences have come to value. What’s so important about these programs for increasingly media dependent audiences is that they provide traditional, hard-hitting journalism, through a comfortable frame by which audiences unconsciously construct their reality. Mostly presented through television programs but now spreading rapidly to video sharing services and alternate new media platforms, satirical political journalism is a key example of how political journalism has adapted to entertainment-centric concepts of news media but maintained its ability to propel the functioning of democratic society.

Satire and journalism in the 2016 US election

Political communications in the 2016 US election have been both militant and pervasive, a conducive environment for the candour of satire in adversarial journalism. This adversarial journalism is best represented by the ‘fake news’ (Cutbirth, 2011) defined by Jon Stewart and sustained by contemporary examples such as Last Week Tonight featuring John Oliver or The Late Show with host Stephen Colbert. These shows should not be taken as ‘fake’ but as experiments in modern political journalism; whereby techniques drawn from news, comedy and political commentary are implemented to revive the critical journalism of an effective democracy (Kuhn and Neveu, 2013, p. 22-40). This political journalism has become more prominent than ever in the current US election cycle with more media coverage, professional communications and “insanity” of events – as described by Stephen Colbert in his The Late Show segment One Diagram Explains Every Conspiracy Against Donald Trump (The Late Show with Stephen Colbert, 2016). Here Colbert, using his patented brand of deadpan political satire, embellishes upon the many absurdities of conservative candidate Donald Trump in the textbook political satire that his news show observes. Colbert eschews traditional political journalism norms, opting to present footage of the candidate and witnesses using alternative bites from the same candidate to refute Trump’s own argument, within the comedy framework audiences have come to love. It is very much comedic entertainment, but beneath this is an adherence to Reith’s objectives of journalism (Holtz-Bacha and Norris, 2000), it at once entertains and informs in what is a critical examination of both politics and media practices – typical of a hyper-democracy framework. The coverage focuses inherently on the personal flaws of the candidates and scrutinises them as such, key to the adversarial confines this hybrid political journalism exists within. Colletta (2009, p. 872) argues that this political journalism is an informed satire that can be considered some of the most engaging political commentary on the broadcast media landscape – an evolution of traditional political journalism that thrives to fill gaps in the market that it once could not. Colbert uses his segment to combat the carefully constructed and professionalised political presence of Trump, he evaluates how communicators have made Trump so successful by keeping him in the sights of the mass media (Mourão, 2015). Colbert educates the audience in how the candidate has disrupted the means by which adversarial journalism would operate, once heralded for its ambiguous political messages, it has now positioned itself to deconstruct the professionalised candidate in an adversarial manner. In a media environment dominated by the virtues of entertainment news, the ability of Colbert and those of his ilk, to be able to effectively involve audiences in nuanced discussions of democratic progress in an informative and educational format is exactly the function that political journalism should play in modern media spaces (Baym, 2006, p. 259-276). Colbert’s engagement of audiences with satire laced adversarial journalism is an example of how experimental forms of political journalism have adapted to competitive modern media spaces and utilised the concept of entertainment to propel their function in assisting the democratic process.

The news media landscape in which political journalism operates has evolved rapidly throughout the era of global communications. Examining the underlying structural changes to news media explains the dominance of entertainment content in modern political journalism. The rise of professionalised political campaigns has come to be the greatest challenge for political journalism in committing to its role of educating, informing and entertaining citizens as there is increased competition to attract these audiences. Adversarial journalism is the answer to that challenge, satirical news content that scrutinises politicians and the media landscape in a way that fulfils the entertainment centric needs of modern broadcast viewership. Finally, this theory ties into the journalism reflected by The Late Show’s enigmatic host Stephen Colbert and the way he employs this sort of political news satire to intrigue audiences, combat professionalised politics and entertain in a way that informs citizens of the mandates of democracy and journalism’s role within this. Ultimately, political journalism has adapted to the entertainment-centric landscape of modern news media, in an adversarial format that engages citizens in the democratic processes expected of it.

 

References

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BARTSCH, A. & SCHNEIDER, F. 2014. Entertainment and Politics Revisited: How Non-Escapist Forms of Entertainment Can Stimulate Political Interest and Information Seeking. Journal of Communication, 64, 369-396.

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CAMPBELL, W. J. 2001. Yellow Journalism: Puncturing the Myths, Defining the Legacies, Westport, Praeger Publishers.

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CUTBIRTH, J. 2011. Satire as Journalism: The Daily Show and American Politics at the Turn of the Twenty-First Century. Doctor of Philosophy, Columbia University.

HOLBERT, R. 2005. A Typology for the Study of Entertainment Television and Politics The American Behavrioual Scientist, 49, 436.

HOLTZ-BACHA, C. & NORRIS, P. 2000. “To Entertain, Inform and Educate”: Still the Role of Public Television in the 1990s? Political Communication, 18, 123-140.

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LOUW, E. 2005. The Media and Political Process, London, SAGE.

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MCNAIR, B. 2009. Journalism and Democracy. In: WAHL-JORGENSEN, K. & HANITZSCH, T. (eds.) The Handbook of Journalism Studies. Routledge.

MOURÃO, R. R. 2015. The boys on the timeline: Political journalists’ use of Twitter for building interpretive communities. Journalism, 16, 1107-1123.

POSTMAN, A. 1985. Amusing ourselves to death” Public Discourse in the age of show business, New York, NY, Penguin.

PRIOR, M. 2005. News vs. Entertainment: How Increasing Media Choice Widens Gaps in Political Knowledge and Turnout. American Journal of Political Science, 49, 577-592.

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THE LATE SHOW WITH STEPHEN COLBERT 2016. One Diagram Explains Every Conspiracy Against Donald Trump. The Late Show with Stephen Colbert. CBS.

 

The impact of narcissistic personality disorder on relationships

 

Abstract

Narcissistic personality disorder (NPD) influences the ways people interact with others, and varies wildly depending on the expression of associated personality sub-types. The impacts of this disorder on relationships have become increasingly widespread due to the inherently connected nature of identity and social media platforms, where narcissism is a defining trait. Observational studies reveal the correlation between NPD sub-types and interpersonal plus intrapersonal relationships, being affected in positive and negative ways. Furthermore, narcissistic personality disorders are now subject to the amplification of social media.

Keywords: psychology, social media, health, connection, identity

Introduction

Encountering narcissism, and sub-types associated with this personality trait, is intrinsic to human social interaction but has become increasingly difficult to classify. After nearly being removed from the fifth edition of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (Miller et al. 2016), narcissistic personality disorder (NPD) has categorically expanded. It encompasses; requirements of peer admiration, ego-reinforcement and grandiose character (American Psychiatric Association 2013). Generally associated with the Dark Triad of personality traits, healthy social interactions exist within the NPD expression spectrum, and can range from admiration to rivalry. Leung (2013) reasons the influence of social media networks is creating increasingly shallow relationships whereby, narcissistic personality traits have become more prevalent in controlling self-presentation over these large networks. A multifaceted approach to narcissism theory originates from the depths of the Dark Triad, contrasting between bright and dark sides of the trait and their impacts on social interactions (Back et al. 2013). This literature review will discuss the impacts that varying categorisations of NPD have on interpersonal and intrapersonal relationships. Social media interactions will be extrapolated upon this theory, examining the production of identity.

Narcissistic personality disorder; positive and negative sub-types

Frameworks for defining NPD are not comprehensive due to Narcissistic Personality Index (NPI) limitations, employed by the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-V). The current NPI assesses multiple constructs, encompassing 25 traits (Miller et al. 2016) that range from socially desirable, such as leadership and social influence; to socially toxic mannerisms including entitlement and exploitation (McDonald et al. 2012). NPD is complex to categorise due to motivational dynamics, behavioural processes, and interpersonal outcomes that are factored in to traditional definitions. Deconstructing this process into incremental stages, as outlined by Back et al. (2013) shown in Figure 1, determines that NPD requires distinguishing two dominant sub-types; admiration and rivalry (Levy 2012). There are positive and negative outcomes of narcissism; linked to grandiosity and aggression, which trigger responses in both internal evaluation and external relationships. Narcissism is often associated with Dark Triad traits; however, studies show positive effects of NPD on relationships. Volmer et al. (2016) termed narcissism as a “bright” trait, separating it from the malicious two of psychopathy and Machiavellianism; completing the Dark Triad. The admiration sub-type of NPD incorporates charm, self-assuredness and assertiveness; leading McDonald et al. (2012) to conclude that the disorder is integral to leadership and slow life history strategy (LHS). The Dark Triad fits into life history strategy; fast LHS involves impulsive antisociality from psychopathy, the entitlement/exploitation of narcissism and the aggression of Machiavellianism. Slow LHS can be seen as an extension of the admiration component of NPD, exhibiting leadership and authority elements of narcissism, a positive sub-type of the disorder. Recent studies have built upon the foundations of implementing life history theory in establishing NPD. Research from Jonason et al. (2016) involved a sample of 1236 students participating in a multi-faceted personality inventory, measuring five dark personality traits, including: narcissism, Machiavellianism, psychopathy, sadism and spitefulness – correlating traits with responses to moral dilemmas. The study found that the moral dilemmas corresponding to narcissism were those associated with the two outlined NPD sub-types; admiration and rivalry. The results show the strongest associations were with rivalry (anger, envy and greed) and admiration (pride and lust) traits. The correlation values for narcissism were predominantly expressed by greed with r=0.33 and pride with r=0.43. Jonason et al. (2016) suggests that moral decision making relies more on the structure of a given personality trait than moral foundations. In the context of NPD, an incremental approach as developed by (Back et al. 2013) likely provides the best structure for classifying the positive and negative nuances of the disorder.

Figure 1 – The narcissistic admiration and rivalry concept. Adapted from (Back et al. 2013).

Narcissistic personality disorder impacts on interpersonal and intrapersonal relationships

NPD does not only influence the structure of one’s personality, but complicates a person’s ability to develop and maintain interpersonal relationships; including personal identity construction and behaviour patterns. Böckler (2016) theorises that, on both pathological and social psychology levels, interpersonal functioning (Pincus et al. 2010) and self-actualisation are impaired. These relationships are impacted by the structure of NPD, including the prevalence of either positive or negative NPD sub-types. Expressing NPD can have different effects both personally and relationally, depending on whether admiration or rivalry is the dominant trait. In general, narcissists are considered less likable (Back et al. 2013), unable to engage in successful relationships and display behaviour that is detrimental to others. Studies maintaining these findings are contextual to the structure of the disorder found in each case. Malkin et al. (2013) evaluated how normal and pathological narcissism were perceived, through the personal relationships of study participants. Using 441 undergraduate (target) participants, recruiting up to 5 friends or family members (perceivers), online questionnaires regarding the target’s narcissistic tendencies were completed. A difference between perception and NPD sub-type was identified.  It was noted that those reporting high levels of vulnerable (rivalry sub-type) narcissism were perceived as aggressive in their relationships – exemplifying the difficulties narcissists have regulating their emotional expression. Conversely, grandiose (admiration sub-type) traits had a positive effect on their personal relationships, protecting individuals from perceived aggression. Furthermore, research by Olssøn et al (2015) concludes that the perception of NPD disorder is dictated by the distinction between the dimensions of admiration and rivalry. Shifting towards the intrapersonal relationship components of NPD, narcissistic traits impact one’s own self-perception and more specifically, core emotional aspects of identity. NPD relies on external validation from peers, but when these relationships are damaged by the negative traits of the disorder – these individuals will suffer dwindling emotional stability from a lack of social evidence of self-worth (Ronningstam 2012). Vulnerability through rivalry often surfaces when the grandiosity of the admiration sub-type fails in social climates (McCain et al. 2016). Clinical theory describes NPD expressing individuals as users of alternative self-regulating strategies when dealing with their own emotions, therefore their own perceptions of identity are altered by the disorder, rationalising social events in different ways depending on their own expression of the disorder. Both intrapersonal and interpersonal relationships are impacted by the structure of NPD and its individual manifestations within a sufferer’s identity.

The influence of social media content generation on narcissism

Social media has become a primary form of communication and self-promotion where users can regulate their identity and personal presentation with finite control. As Ritter et al. (2014) found, narcissists in intrapersonal relationships self-regulate their emotions in order to maintain their external grandiose traits, but further research from Leung (2013) concluded that these self-regulatory processes extend to social media presences and online identities. Previous research showed that narcissism was positively correlated to social media usage in combination with the increase of narcissistic traits in younger generations (Böckler et al. 2016). Social media is likely accountable for the increase of NPD, allowing narcissists to reaffirm their identity through either admiration or rivalry sub-types. MacDonald (2014) theorises that social media exacerbates NPD as it acts as a gateway for narcissists to employ self-promotion and makes it easy to foster shallow interpersonal relationships online – reaffirming their narcissistic identity (Davenport et al. 2014). This reaffirmation is ratified through gratification where NPD’s primary needs are met – positive self-presentation management in relationship construction (Leung 2013). The motivation for this gratification is the maintenance of the intrapersonal but most importantly interpersonal relationships sought by narcissists, which is achieved through the implementation of admiration or rivalry sub-types. These sub-types operate effectively in online (social media) settings due to the shallow nature of the platforms and the ability to control their own self-aggrandisement. A study by Buffardi et al. (2008) studied the perception of narcissism in user-generated content (UGC), on social media sites, both by the narcissists and external viewers. A survey was conducted involving 156 Facebook users from 18 to 23 years old as well as 128 raters ranging from 18 to 26 years old. Using the Narcissistic Personality Index (NDI) users were scaled on their level of NPD and had their Facebook pages saved and objectively coded to evaluate the amount of narcissistic content they contained – the pages were then assessed by the raters and valued on the perceived narcissism of the page owner. The results of the study show that information qualified as self-promoting by the objective means used was consistently perceived as more narcissistic by the raters than by the page owners as shown in Figure 2. The study also highlighted that the identity (agentic impression) of the page owner as being a narcissist generally was perceived as .39 by raters and .28 by the UGC creator. This shows that the expression of narcissism is in fact similar to that shown in other social forums; consisting of similar characteristics including self-promotion and self-presentation. Online identity maintenance has become a daily process for individuals with NPD via social networking sites, leading to the disorder’s increased prevalence in society (Stinson et al. 2008).

Figure 2 – Correlation between user-generated content and narcissistic impression ratings from users and raters. Modified from (Buffardi et al. 2008).

Discussion

Much of the content outlined in this review revolves around the perception of narcissism and as such, consensus on many aspects of NPD as a clearly defined pathological framework are nuanced and difficult to correlate directly. Assessing the ways NPD is actually defined in both the accepted literature of the DSM-V and the many individual studies on the topic show clear discrepancies emerging from the timeframes of the studies performed, but also in the implementation of research methodologies. There are inconsistencies in NPD research where many studies opt to use internal methods of conducting personality trait analysis and forming their own frameworks for investigating the expression of NPD. This is remedied by recent research, where experimental designs have been used to investigate specific aspects of NPD in empirical studies – heightening agreement on overarching models of NPD (Roepke et al. 2014). There is however, a pattern of consensus amongst the research outlined here where generally, current dimensions of NPD need to evaluate sub-types of narcissism as a trait in order to properly examine the effects on interpersonal and intrapersonal relationships. The success of these relationships are impacted by the ways in which sub-types of narcissism are expressed by NPD individuals – requiring diagnosis that is not only categorical but also qualitative (Miller et al. 2010). NPD can in fact impact relationships in both positive and negative ways as shown by the perceptions of both narcissists themselves and within the relationships they have, which was shown in the data of Malkin et al. (2013).

Conclusion

The various studies and sources outlined in this literature review demonstrate that NPD is a complex identity process to classify. The research showed a clear discrepancy in many of the materials synthesised, in that the consistency of the research varies over time and by individual study. The consensus of NPD evaluations concluded that a dyadic system of NPD classification best fits as a tool to identify the disorder and its clearly defined sub-types: admiration and rivalry. Without defining these sub-types, NPD will become increasingly generalised resulting in a lack of depth in understanding the effects of the disorder on relationships and how communications platforms, such as social media, exacerbate the prevalence of the disorder. Further research is required to cement the boundaries of incremental analysis on NPD so that consensus can be drawn on a consistent framework for NPD in psychological literature.

Gradi’s Pizza Fest 2016

The Peronis were flowing at this year’s Crown Live event featuring the traditional pizzaioli stylings the AVPN is known for, striving towards classic Neapolitan. Five Melbourne pizzerias flanked a stylishly organised pavilion arrangement featuring a central stage with live music playing on the cusp of the Yarra River. Of the Melbourne five, Gigi Pizzeria had the longest wait for their simplistic Marinara dish.
Straight from their authentic wood-fire oven bubbled a small mozzarella topped pizza, bordered by a crisp, puffy crust. Immediately the aroma of fresh tomato was apparent which worked well with the scorched oregano sprinkled over the top to create a welcoming herb scent. The base was authentically thin, drooping slightly under the weight of the toppings. The wholesome and rustic flavour, let down by a damn and flexible centre. The centre weight was contributed to by the liberal use of extra virgin olive oil on what was already a thick layer of tomato sauce.

It’s hard to go wrong with a pizza marinara really, to a fault.

Marinara pizza from Gradi’s Pizza Fest at Crown Life

La Svolta fronted up with their ham and cheese pizza; same price, same size, same dough and same tomato sauce. Almost uniform were these two pizzas bar switching the drab stringy ham and sparse basil for onion and oregano.
For a free event, it sure was expensive… each pizza required a $12 voucher or $20 for two which is steep considering the size of the pizzas and the fact that most of the ingredients were shared between the five participating restaurants.

Depending on your arrival time and pizza choice, the wait stretched from five to fifteen minutes, understandable due to the pizzas being made from scratch. Vittoria coffee and an onsite bar provided the refreshment options as well as the event partnered Oakridge Urban Vineyard, inconveniently located across from Crown. Live music was provided by a soulful guitarist putting his smooth, earthy tones to work on some indie folk songs.

Crown Live wasn’t really a-live, its lazy vibe was fitting for a Saturday afternoon on Southbank with its vivid yellow and white beach vibe.

★★★☆☆
In their search for a simplistic and elegant pizza, The Melbourne Food and Wine Festival cruised through to adequate with their Crown Live event.

The Impacts of Aging Populations: The Rapid Maturation of Japan

 

As anthropocentric views of development continue to steer demographics globally, there comes a point where the secondary effects of such growth present challenges. An issue rising from these demographic shifts is that of aging populations and the strains they put on communities. This constitutes a demographic crisis, where growth and consumption are unsustainable in a given location (Thornton, 2013). Looking at the properties of demographics and specifically the Demographic Transition Model will give context to the issues of aging populations. Examining the social dimension of aging populations will reveal the cultural challenges demographics face. Economic concerns stemming from aging populations also present an obstacle for shifting labour demographics. There’s an environmental element to the issue seeded heavily in the pressures that aging puts on population demographics. A case study of Japan’s aging population will demonstrate the challenges outlined by demographic theory. Aging populations are an adverse effect of growth and have become a demographic crisis.

The properties of modern population demographics in terms of outlining models of growth and consumption in aging societies gives a good basis to examine the challenges the issue presents. The key concept of aging populations in relation to demographic crises is the ratio shared between fertility rates and morbidity rates. Currently in both developing and developed nations, population growth is synonymous with population aging due to advances in medicine and infrastructure (Daniels et al., 2008). This concept is presented by the shift in population structure which is portrayed by the Demographic Transition Model (DTM) where birth rates and death rates converge and the average age of the population rises as fewer people die and fewer people are born. This occurs in the final stage of the DTM as shown in figure 1 (Roser and Ortiz-Ospina, 2016). Japan is an example of the predictions made by the final stage of this model as the trends shown by its rapid aging have Muramatsu and Akiyama (2011, p. 427) proposing that 32% of the population will be aged 65+ in the year 2030. There are tensions in this debate over the sustainability of limitless growth which exacerbate social, economic and environmental issues. In the context of Japan’s demographics, it can be argued that due to its shrinking population, the inequalities and challenges presented are more manageable and that the ‘growth’ isn’t as demanding. Conversely, due to both the decline in population size and the increasing elderly population, 2.9 working age people are required to sustain one person of retirement age in Japan (Muramatsu and Akiyama, 2011). It’s an all-encompassing challenge that impacts social, economic and environmental aspects of population demographics globally. Examining properties of shifting demographic models gives context for evaluating the challenges presented by aging populations.

Figure 1 – The Demographic Transition Model (Roser and Ortiz-Ospina, 2016)

The demographic crisis of aging populations creates social challenges due to the strain that growth puts on communities. The idea of aging populations doesn’t only create a burden on workforces that are less able to support it, but as a result of these shifting demographics comes changes in social and cultural structures and norms that are contextual to the country in which this occurs. The diminishing fertility and morbidity rates are a result of the process of social stratification (Weeks, 2012). Social stratification, primarily associated with age, commonly defines social roles and status by the basis of age. The specific challenge that this theory alludes to in terms of aging populations is that, at its core it’s a system of inequality, by which resources are distributed unequally by age. This stratification can lead to a heavier cultural emphasis on individualism and competition which stresses the concept of social exclusion on these populations (Jewson and MacGregor, 2005). These resources aren’t only tangible but include social approval, acceptance, status and respect. The key issue is that as the population ages, these key intangible elements of society and culture will further shift towards the majority elder population and away from the young, labouring, lower-class workforce. These impacts are especially true of such rigid social and cultural norms, as seen in Japanese demographics. These inequalities are mirrored in the political power shift that has occurred as elderly influence in social decision making is much more pronounced than in Japan’s dwindling youth (Coulmas, 2007, pp, 96-99). The biggest social challenge presented by aging populations, in the context of Japanese demographics, is the misrepresentation caused by social stratification whereby the assignment of power, approval and respect is increasingly unequal as the average age continues to increase. Social inequality is a primary outcome from the challenges presented by aging population demographics.

Central to most debates about the impacts of aging on population demographics are the ways in which the crisis will influence economics and policy. The growing crisis of aging populations is core to the challenges presented to economic growth, personal and public financial burdens and social welfare systems. Finance is a major contributor and sufferer of this challenge; strong capital in global north countries has contributed to a rise in standards of living which in turn has extended the life expectancy of these aging populations. These elderly demographics now fall back on social welfare systems to maintain their standard of living, which pressures the healthcare and pension systems of these economies. A major challenge developed by aging population demographics is a result of the growth accounting calculation (Bloom et al. 2010). This theory suggests that if labour supply and savings behaviour stays the same, then as the population age continues to increase, the working-age labour force will decline and be unable to sustain this population demographic. It’s a positive feedback loop that will place increasing demand on workforces that are decreasing in size. This model is appropriate to apply to Japanese population demographics as the nation has the second longest life expectancy in the world (Dorling, 2013). Over the past half century, Japan’s labour force has seen yearly fluctuations in size, but displays a significant downward trend, as seen in figure 2 (Ministry of Internal Affairs & Communications, 2016). Through aging populations and a reduction in the size of the workforce, Japan’s productivity and tax base will fall with the rise of dependent elderly people. Currently the work-force is recovering some size due to the remaining numbers on the cusp of Japan’s retirement age at 60 years old, however without an increase in replacement rate this number is expected to drop significantly as demographics shift from working-age to elderly dependents. This blow will likely be softened due to reported linear increase in savings with age, specific to the Japanese context, but also linked to age is the exponential increase of health related expenditures which will impact these savings (Börsch-Supan, 1995). One of the most significant challenges the growth of aging populations presents is being able to maintain said demographic, with the strain it places on the working-age population and the economy.

Figure 2 – Japan’s workforce size from the mid-20th century (Ministry of Internal Affairs & Communications, 2016)

Aging populations not only cause problems for anthropocentric demographics but also for the environments in which they exist. The environmental effects of this kind of growth correlate to the strain placed on resource usage and land-use models. In practice, the elderly actually consume less and take up less space than those of other age demographics due to being generally less mobile – altering patterns of consumption. Where this differs is in the usage of heat, gas and fuels. There’s a positive correlation between the increasing age of a household and the energy usage of the individuals within it (COWI, 2008). In terms of household patterns, the likelihood of elderly populations to be dependent on environmentally harmful heating and cooling solutions, rises in the context of the given climate due to weakening health (Geller and Zenick, 2005). This creates Greenhouse Gasses (GHGs) as a by-product, which presents a challenge to not just the local climate but also to the global environment (COWI, 2008, p. 4). The ecological implications associated with the elderly, consuming the highest amounts of energy intensive goods, are the release of GHGs including carbon dioxide and methane which contribute to Global Warming (US Environmental Protection Agency, 2016). In Japan the effects of these pollutants are already being felt in both environmental and health contexts. Increasingly warmer temperatures have caused thousands of hospitalisations and deaths from 2013 onwards. This heat is particularly devastating for the elderly population, exacerbating their dependence on cooling solutions which again contributes to Global Warming (Edahiro, 2015). Ironically, the comforts sought by the elderly in terms of climate control indoors are the cause of the pollutants that are the eventual source of their health issues (Hong, 2013). Aging populations present varying degrees of environmental challenges for growing demographics.

Demographic crises are broad categories by which anthropocentric growth and development is threatened by external or internal challenges. Through defining the concepts of population demographics and the models by which they behave gives a baseline for further study. Looking at the social implications of aging population demographics shows the cultural impacts of the stratification that’s caused. Economic and policy approaches to these shifting demographics show the challenges faced financially by populations due to aging. On a larger scale, aging populations have a minor but concentrated impact on environmental degradation, specifically focused on levels of consumption. The rapidly aging population of Japan was the demographic used to highlight these challenges and how they impact the functioning of society. Ultimately, aging populations have an adverse effect on growth and are as such a population crisis.

Selfish Bosses are Best for Successful Employees

 

In a job market plagued with cuts and closures, understanding how your employer ticks has become more important than ever. A study from the Personality and Individual Differences journal reveals how the Dark Triad personality traits in leaders can positively and negatively impact your career success, including personal job satisfaction.

The study of 811 public and private sector employees in Germany identified the three Dark Triad personality traits as narcissism, Machiavellianism and psychopathy. The traits all had differing degrees of impact on their staff; the latter two labelled the ‘Malicious Two,’ for their resounding negative effects. So how can a selfish boss positively benefit your career? Employers showing narcissistic traits were found to value their staff more, promoting them more regularly, and leaving them feeling more satisfied with their job. The study proposed that selfish bosses treat those well who can affirm their own ego.

So the three dark personality traits have individual impacts on an employee’s success. Workplaces that combat the ‘Malicious Two’ with alternative leadership styles are likely to become more welcoming organisations. It seems skills are just as important as the personality of your boss, for career focused employees.

 

Primary Article Full Citation:

Volmer J, Koch IK, Göritz AS (2016) The bright and dark sides of leaders’ dark triad traits: Effects on subordinates’ career success and well-being. Personality and Individual Differences 101, 413-418. doi:10.1016/j.paid.2016.06.046.

News & Power: A Trust Relationship

At its core, trust is the basis of a functional news media in democratic society. This essay will explore the notion of trust and how it best expresses the relationship between news and power theory and their impact on social processes. Looking at the social contract’s purpose within the public sphere gives a baseline, showing how ‘trust’ operates within the news and power dynamic. Examining how the mechanisms of press theory transition and develop is also pertinent. These concepts will further be expressed by applying them to a case study of Edward Snowden’s 2013 NSA leaks.

Establishing the relationship between news and power requires an understanding of those concepts individually and their manifestation within the public sphere – the trust component of the social contract. There are various ways to contextualise news, Lord Northcliffe maintains that it’s “what someone, somewhere, wants to supress,” that “someone” being elite power (More, 1968, p. 825). Power is paradoxical in news; it’s an oppressive hierarchy, but also an audience dependence; power flows in multiple directions throughout society (Curran, 2002). This pressure is placed on the selection and presentation of news, to be moulded by organisational processes, and moulded to public interests. This is where trust comes into play, to ensure the propulsion of dominant ideas by the news media is free from elite influence, and beneficial for the democratic process – this is the social contract. The social contract proposes that journalists are a bridge between news and power, entrusted with maintaining a moral responsibility in reporting the news, and not claiming absolution due to corporate allegiances or being a node in a corrupted network (Edwards and Cromwell, 2008). There’s a tension between journalists providing news, and their need to priorities their company’s welfare, this is the conflict that exists in the relationship between news and power – where trust is pivotal.

Examining the mechanisms of press theory expresses how the news and power dynamic is proposed to operate in society. The models of press theory outlined in Four Theories of the Press (Siebert et al. 1956), demonstrate how powerful media institutions should process and deliver news to society. James Curran (2002, pg. 163) argues that “media define the world through news… what gains prominence and what recedes into the background,” journalists and news organisations have been entrusted the power to define the important issues in society – the social responsibility model of press theory is the model by which this trust relationship works. There’s an inherent tension in news reporting, within a democratic society framework, libertarian and social responsibility theory are distinctive in their function. The libertarian model defines the press as “an open marketplace of ideas” (Norris, 1997, p. 58), where the truth is expected to surface from the public arena – a utopian concept. The social responsibility model is a more rational critique, giving definitive boundaries on how the trust relationship should operate between the elite, news and the public. There’s a dialogue formed in this model, a free press not only have liberties but obligations to ensure that news contributes to society’s democratic functions. That is how the social contract operates; as the mechanism of this model, a tool that implores trust and responsibility in reporting freely.  Press theory highlights the importance of the social responsibility model, facilitating the interaction between news and power – trust underscoring that relationship.

The news and power dynamic is highlighted by looking at the way media approached the Snowden NSA leaks and how press theory relates to that story. In 2013 Snowden disclosed thousands of classified documents, exposing the extent of the NSA’s surveillance on American citizens and ‘Five Eyes’ programs. Snowden did this with the cautious assistance of Glenn Greenwald, formerly of The Guardian (Reitman, 2013). Parallels can be drawn between this example of journalism and the mechanism of the social contract. Moral responsibility was so deeply entrenched in reporting this story that the works of Snowden and Greenwald seem compelled by the concept of the social contract to disseminate news that was of utmost benefit to American society, and even the global sphere; unbent to the hierarchical powers that be (Herman, 1996). Press theory applies to publicizing information in the leaks. The libertarian press model would be ineffective, assuming that the public arena could process this issue before it was subdued by state power is rash. Social responsibility theory is the filter by which this information was processed, trusting the press to treat the leaks deliverance to the public as an obligation.  The 2013 NSA leaks embody the importance of trust in the functioning of the news and power relationship in terms of both the social contract and press theory.

Trust is the core to these conceptual processes of press function in the news and power relationship. Looking at the social contract as a mechanism of trust in the public sphere is integral to the news and power dynamic. Analysing press theory and models of news highlight how trust works in news media. Applying these concepts to the case study of Snowden’s NSA leaks, reveal the impacts of their function on society. Ultimately, trust is foundational to the relationship shared between news and power, regulating their impacts on democratic society.

Stranger Things: monsters, horror, music and binge-watching mayhem

The Culture Vultures is part of MOJO NEWS.

In part one, we dissect the Netflix original Stranger Things and our Culture Vultures decide if it’s plain weird, over-rated or the new “it” thing. The Vultures judge and debate the characters, music, acting abilities and plot-lines to give you a thorough verdict.

With Netflix originals taking over our TV screens (and by TV screens we mean laptop, mobile and tablet screens), in part two our Culture Vultures give their opinion on the battle between the new entertainment giants and the traditional entertainment media platforms. We take a look at how the internet has destroyed free-to-air television, the rise of silver screen blockbusters and more.

We scavenge the world for cultural phenomenons that are worth critiquing and over-analyse the heck out of it. Run by Monash student journalists at mojonews.com.au, it showcases the interesting thoughts and discussions of  average university students.

Host Steph Chen, deputy editor at Mojonews, is studying a Bachelor of Journalism at Monash University, minoring in psychology and international relations. She is interested and curious about everything in life except hard-core punk music and horror films.

William Arnott is in his second-year studying journalism at Monash University. He enjoys a wide variety of geeky things, from video games and tabletop RPGs to power metal, and hopes to one day earn a living from them.

Harrison Johnstone is studying a Bachelor of Journalism and Science. He is engrossed in popular culture past and present. A country kid with city-slicking aspirations, he enjoys video production, editing and wasting his time mucking about on the internet.

Original Post can be found here.

Rail Plan for Regional Commuters

The Andrew’s Labour Government have launched the Connecting Regional Victoria plan to combat a steep decline in public transport service quality.

Victoria’s regional rail usage has seen sharp increases over the last decade, now peaking at 100% capacity for various services across the five lines.

Overcrowding, track faults, delays and increasingly longer trips between Melbourne and regional centres have marked a treacherous period for country commuters, culminating at the rail outages experienced earlier in the year.

From mid-January to April, regional rail users suffered crippling delays as issues with wheel wear heavily impacted V/Line’s newer VLocity fleet.

The four-month outage saw much of the service’s timetable replaced with temporary coaches which, although free, didn’t compensate travellers for the extra time they had to spend travelling on already extensive trips.

Gippsland commuters suffered most however, the combination of the wheel wear issue and a recurring signal fault near Dandenong reduced the fleet to three return services per-day, forcing users onto Metro trains after coach trips to Pakenham.

Natalie Thorne is a Melbourne professional and manager of the Gippsland V/Line Users Group who has experienced first-hand how diminishing regional service quality impacts the wider community.

The peak of the V/Line outages took a toll on Ms Thorne and her family, ‘It had a huge impact… I was spending up to five to six hours a day extra on trains per week and you couldn’t rely on the trains to get into the city at the time they were meant to,’ she said.

‘After a few weeks of getting home at 7:30 to 8 o’clock at night it got to the point where, every night I got home and the kids would be crying… basically they didn’t see me for quite a few months,’ Thorne said.

Warragul Railway Station prior to the launch of Connecting Regional Victoria

The stress on Gippsland’s public transport infrastructure will only be exacerbated further by the continued real estate growth in the south-eastern corridor.

Connecting Regional Victoria, the government’s regional network development plan has been criticised by locals who are sceptical of its lack of immediate action.

Member for Narracan and vocal transport advocate, Gary Blackwood, said ‘it doesn’t address the issue of Gippsland trains competing with metropolitan trains beyond Pakenham.’

‘We are treated as second class citizens compared to Geelong, Bendigo and Ballarat commuters,’ he said.

The most impactful development for the Gippsland line was the announcement of the long anticipated duplication of tracks between Longwarry and Bunyip, which would see express services return to the region.

Rail has become an integral part of travel for eastern Victoria, effecting both city commuters and also local tourism heading out to Gippsland.

The Minister for Public Transport, Jacinta Allan, revealed the plan in Warragul (Gippsland) accompanied by acting Public Transport Victoria CEO Jeroen Weimar and V/Line Chair Jenny Dawson.

Key areas that the plan focuses on are increasing train stock, improving station facilities, reviewing fare structures and creating better bus and coach services for intra-town connectivity.

The project features a horizon goal structure with short, mid and long-term development plans that are slated for completion over the next two decades.

Immediate action that has been funded in the 2016/17 State Budget will provide regional areas with increased train and bus service improvements but the extent of these upgrades varies between the regions.

The key regional centres named in the plan are Geelong, Ballarat, Bendigo, Seymour and Traralgon.

Barwon South West and the Grampians will see bigger short-term benefits, with additional trains set to bring services closer to the future goals of off-peak trains every 40 minutes and peak trains every 20 minutes.

The large scale plan involves the addition of 170 extra services, construction of 27 new VLocity carriages and a focus on rolling stock to increase reliability.

Connecting Regional Victoria has been influenced by over 15,000 pieces of individual regional feedback, from 40 workshops that had been held across the state.

Public Transport Minister Jacinta Allan said ‘it is the product of one of the most extensive public consultation programs ever carried out in regional Victoria.’

‘[The plan is] setting out a more coordinated network where trains, buses and coaches work together in the best interests of passengers,’ she said.

The Gippsland line is expected to receive two additional return off-peak services from Melbourne to Traralgon each day, bus service improvements, signage and planning.

The majority of developments shown in Connecting Regional Victoria (five of eight for Gippsland) are business cases, meaning they are in a pre-planning phase.

Acting CEO of Public Transport Victoria, Jeroen Weimar, said ‘this is the start of the journey, not the end of the journey.’

Connecting Regional Victoria: Regional Network Development Plan aims to deliver ‘commuter-style’ service to regional customers across the state.

 

 

 

Making it in Melbourne (Feat. Bruce Milne & GodWolf)

A short feature on the music scene in Melbourne and what it takes to make it as an artist in the local industry. Bruce Milne, record label owner and radio host, shared his opinions as a pioneer of Melbourne music. Local indie-electro duo, GodWolf, spoke of their experiences as successful young artists touring and breaking into the industry.

An Evolving Political Communications Landscape; Convergence and Conspiracy

An evolving media landscape has modernised political communications, engaging a media-dependent society more broadly. This concept explores the idea of media convergence, as technology and society grow and adapt. Through the celebritisation of politics and growth of political charisma the notion of personality over policy becomes apparent through language. The role of media intimisation within the broader scope of political conspiracy examines how the media landscape has evolved. A case study on contrasting examples from the 2008 and 2016 US elections, provides evidence for these concepts of communication theory and reference for its diversification.

Political communications have seen a rapid shift towards online communities through the concept of media convergence and opinion leading (Hyun, 2012, p. 397-413). Politics as a form of entertainment transcends traditional media platforms to become a combination of intensely personal and opinionated content delivered directly to a self-filtering audience (Bennett and Iyengar, 2008, p. 707-731). This occurs through the dynamic interplay shared between political message and communications technology as they develop across a wide media landscape consisting of multitudinous formats of social media (Bennett and Iyengar, 2008, p. 707-731, Kenterelidou, 2005, p. 1-10). It serves a media dependent public, instantaneous content access (Kenterelidou, 2005, p. 1-10). This process limits the effectiveness of examining political communications due to the sheer content volume flooding the public sphere (Ribke, 2015, p.118). Convergence in new media provides a broader social experience where content is generated and disseminated through virtual social platforms by private and public interests. This process is now done most effectively through the concept of opinion leading, transitioning to online platforms. Social agents build influence within communities, core to political systems, as they establish themselves as legitimate brands (Shoham and Ruvio, 2008, p. 280-297) and bridge the gap between mass media and community – down to the individual voter (Ahmed and Lodhi, 2013, p. 1-16). Opinion leading is critical to political advocacy with new media, as information spreads rapidly due to decentralised media platforms. This means that political communication is more accessible than ever, portrayed through the idea of media convergence allowing multiple formats for this information (Ahmed and Lodhi, 2013, p. 4). The theory of media convergence and the resultant occurrence of opinion leading on new media platforms represent the values of a shifting media landscape.

Within contemporary media the concept of political celebritisation has become even more prominent, adopting the language of celebrity and coupling with the theory of political charisma. Celebrity is a primary form of opinion leading in mass media. Political communication adopts the celebrity process when forming identities (Ribke, 2015, p. 19-33). Again, the structural processes behind the idea of the celebrity are in play, carefully cultivating images and words to drip-feed to the masses (Cashmore, 2006, p. 19-51), but the context of politics uses celebrity for power (Driessens, 2012, p. 648). The political celebrity is a product of new media relationships where, as Michael Gurevitch said, ‘policy issues and concerns are more often associated with the faces of political leaders rather than with their political, ideological and philosophical underpinnings.’ (Gurevitch et al., 2009, p. 164-181) This observation asserts that politics and celebrity are intertwined and the potency of personality is dominant. Throughout the 2008 election, Democratic nominee Barack Obama mobilised an unprecedented amount of youth through his appealing persona, a product of political celebritisation (Pew Research Centre, 2010). Pivotal to this movement was a transition to celebrity language in political communications, a model that reverberates through election strategy today. Growing feelings of disenchantment towards the American political system required an exuberant figure to engage audiences and a youth vote that has become increasingly important in the social media age (Ribke, 2015, p. 19-33). Charismatic leadership makes for a fertile vessel in which the framework of the celebritised politician can replicate. Modern political language adopts much of the vocabulary of celebrity, where speakers adapt to their audiences using classical rhetoric techniques and current technology to serve a converging media market (Zheng, 2000, p. 9). The celebritisation of politics and transition of political to popular language represents a modernisation of political communications.

In an evolving communications landscape, the role of the conspiracy theory has surged in importance, elucidating media intimisation’s role within politics. The idea of media intimisation stems from a globalised mass media industry that interjects into the lives of a celebrity-like political system. James Stanyer, in his book Intimate Politics, refers to this process as ‘the publicising of information and imagery from what we might understand as a politician’s personal life.’ (Stanyer, 2012, p. 14) What Stanyer recognises is that, due to the concepts of media convergence and dependency, the personal life of the celebritised politician exists as a tool to engage a broader communications landscape. This process attributes heavily to the role of political conspiracy theories, embracing elements of entertainment and politics within communications (Knight, 2003, p. 15-23). Rumours are potent in chipping away at the political consciousness and also impact qualitative processes in effective media analysis. Mark Andrejevitch in Infoglut said ‘this form of cultural convergence, whereby social critique is assimilated to (and thereby relegated to the realm of) conspiracy theory invokes the challenge critical thought faces in an era of information glut,’ (Andrejevic, 2013, p. 112). This means that conspiracy theories corrode the political consciousness without the basis of critical thought, where the influx of information provided by media convergence lessens the effectiveness of legitimate political communications. The conspiracy theory is a result of converse ideologies in media, promoting beliefs at the expense of others (Featherstone, 2001, p. 31-34). Referencing a dynamic communications landscape, rumours have always swelled around politics, but the prevalence of these rumours floating across social media platforms makes them an intrinsic element in the socio-political media space. Conspiracism has become a generally accepted form of public opinion, rooted in opposing political ideals but increasingly from a more cynical public, who have often become jaded by a militant style of political communication adapted in traditional mass media (Oliver and Wood, 2014, p. 952-966). The results of an instantaneous social-reality have developed an increasingly apathetic community who, as with the nature of celebritisation, care more about benign political coverage focussed on the personal and not the political. It provides automatic explanations for that which threatens traditional belief systems (Goertzel, 1994, p. 731-742). The intimisation of the political celebrity explores the banality of life and generates conspiracy theory to further exacerbate interest in political communications in what is an evolving media landscape.

The dichotomy between political communication techniques is clear between the 2008 and 2016 US elections and the way candidates responded to the dissemination of political conspiracy theories. In the 2008 election, frontrunner Barack Obama was embroiled in the ‘Birther’ conspiracy as his popularity became a target for a celebritised media (Oliver and Wood, 2014, p. 952-966). The conspiracy insinuated that he was born in Kenya and was ineligible to run as president. It was preposterous but also roused a great deal of support, Michael Shermer describes the situation as the masses cultivating the belief first and then explaining their reasoning second (Shermer, 2012). This theory was perpetuated by Donald Trump as an opinion leader demanding birth certificate proof, a further intimisation of the private life of Obama. The most interesting part of the absurd theory is the way that Obama, using his appealing persona, combatted the claims eloquently and ‘roasted’ Trump in a myriad of ways at the White House Correspondents’ Dinner (Warner and Neville-Shepard, 2014, p. 1-17). What Obama reveals about the nature of political communications is, at that time with his specific model for approaching a media-centric society, he was able to reach deep into the zeitgeist adapting a celebritised language to respond to the claims in a ‘viral’ way – due to the free-flow of information on digital platforms. Conversely, Ted Cruz’s 2016 election campaign was marred by a joke conspiracy theory surfacing after first being posted in 2013 (Dean, 2016, p. 1). The theory is that Ted Cruz is the ‘Zodiac Killer,’ a serial murder from Los Angeles in the 1950s. Cruz did not acknowledge the rumour, even with 38% of Florida voters accepting it as a possibility (Jensen, 2016, p. 1-15). It’s difficult to gauge the proportion of voters that thought it was an entertaining part of political communications or the proportion believed it. The Republican’s response was that which perpetuates conspiracism and his loose grasp on the concept of political charisma gave him a ‘sociopathic vibe,’ which wasn’t marketable to a public now used to the political language Obama has defined (Dean, 2016, p. 1). Cruz represents a pre-Obama approach to political communication revealing the shift towards new media, a celebritised vocabulary translated to politics.

Communication is a key element in a broader shift in the political landscape globally, with a society truly immersed in modern media. Ideas of media convergence, cross-platform content and social reality are the basis for this evolution. The way that politics in particular has become celebritised highlighted by a shift in political language and the concept of charisma is fundamental to media analysis. The intimisation of modern politics and the notion of the conspiracy theory show the interaction between a mediatised society and a political machine. The case of Barack Obama’s ‘Birther’ conspiracy and reflecting on Ted Cruz’s campaign shows the evolution of political language. Ultimately, trends in political communications will adapt to a broader societal shift in consumption and technology, shaping patterns of media engagement with it.